Watergate, the modern template for an impeachment-worthy scandal, has informed much of the coverage of the Russia scandal, from congressional inquiries to the special counsel’s investigation into President Trump and his campaign. Central questions — Did the president conspire to illegally influence the election? Did he obstruct justice? — have clear antecedents in Watergate. And Trump himself bears more than a slight resemblance to Richard Nixon at his most paranoid and intransigent.
But while Trump’s belligerent and at times bizarre behavior may mirror that of his predecessor, he is operating in a vastly different political context than Nixon was in the 1970s. Then, the Republican Party had an influential moderate faction willing to work with Democrats. Now it’s synonymous with the right-wing. Then, fact-finding produced public consensus and eventually pushed Republicans to do the right thing. Now it heightens the partisan divide.
For this and other reasons, the Watergate example doesn’t fit the circumstances of the moment. But Iran-contra, the major scandal of the Reagan administration, does.
The main details of Iran-contra are straightforward. In 1982, the United States began backing the contras, the right-wing paramilitary opposition to Nicaragua’s left-wing Sandinista government. Late in 1983, controversy over this assistance led Congress to pull its support. President Ronald Reagan, determined to stop what he saw as the spread of communism in Central America, directed his national security adviser, Robert McFarlane, to “keep the contras together body and soul.”
Over the next two years, multiple administration officials would work to circumvent Congress’s prohibition on American involvement, first through fund-raising — soliciting million from Saudi Arabia over several years — and then through illegal arms sales to Iran, spearheaded by a National Security Council staff member, Oliver North. In 1986, the scheme exploded into public view after the Lebanese magazine Al Shiraa published the story of the arms sales to Iran and Sandinista forces downed a cargo plane carrying weapons and other supplies for the contras.
The scandal implicated top cabinet and administration officials, with strong evidence tying Vice President George H.W. Bush to the conspiracy as well. Figures with direct involvement, like North and Adm. John Poindexter (who succeeded McFarlane as national security adviser), altered records and lied to Congress in an attempt to stymie investigators and insulate the president from culpability.
The particular twists and turns of Iran-contra don’t mirror the Russia scandal’s. The politics, however, do. As with Trump and Russia, the White House itself was defiant. “Admiral Poindexter and Colonel North put their careers on the line to protect our country,” Pat Buchanan, then serving as White House communications director, said at a rally in Miami in December 1986. “If Colonel North broke any rules, he will stand up and take it as the Marine he is. But I say, if Colonel North ripped off the ayatollah and took some million to give to the contras, God bless Colonel North.”
Most Republicans outside the administration also stood firmly behind the Reagan administration, even in the face of clear wrongdoing. “I don’t want you prosecuted,” Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah said to North during the colonel’s testimony before a House and Senate select committee on the scandal in 1987. “I don’t. I don’t think many people in America do. And I think there’s going to be one lot of hell raised if you are.”
The minority report of the select committee — written by its Republican members, including Dick Cheney, then representing Wyoming — was dismissive of claims of malfeasance. “The bottom line,” it reads, “is that the mistakes of the Iran-contra Affair were just that — mistakes in judgment, and nothing more. There was no constitutional crisis, no systematic disrespect for ‘the rule of law,’ no grand conspiracy, and no Administration-wide dishonesty or cover-up.”
Later, as congressional hearings gave way to a federal investigation, Republicans would attack the inquiry outright.
“Lawrence Walsh’s bungling Iran-contra operation has struck out again,” said the Senate minority leader, Bob Dole, slamming the independent counsel who led a yearslong investigation of the affair. “Unfortunately, the American taxpayers continue to be the real losers, watching their tax dollars going down the drain to maintain Mr. Walsh’s exercise in futility.”
The public might have been initially skeptical of President Reagan’s claims of ignorance, but Republican unity in the face of intense scrutiny kept that from spiraling into a full-blown political crisis. Reagan left office on a high note, with 63 percent approval in December 1988. Nor did the scandal derail Bush, who won the presidency just a month before.
For the 22 months of Robert Mueller’s inquiry into Trump and his associates, Republicans have followed an almost identical approach. They’ve stuck by his side, shielding him from congressional investigators and defending his public conduct. Unlike Nixon, and to a greater extent than Reagan, Trump has also had the help of a powerful conservative media ecosystem ready to amplify his rhetoric, attack his political adversaries and even provide material for his verbal assaults.
If Mueller’s inquiry had ended with a bombshell revelation like the one in Watergate — where Nixon essentially confessed to obstruction of justice on tape, asking the director and the deputy director of the C.I.A. to pressure the F.B.I. into ending its investigation of the break-in — this protective strategy might have collapsed against the force of the facts. Instead, the report, at least as summarized by Attorney General William Barr, landed with a thud.
Barr clears Trump of wrongdoing, using Mueller’s inability to “establish that members of the Trump Campaign conspired or coordinated with the Russian government in its election interference activities” to conclude that neither Trump nor his campaign “conspired or coordinated with Russia in its efforts to influence the 2016 U.S. presidential election.”
Barr — who recommended pardons for key actors in Iran-contra as attorney general for George H.W. Bush in 1991 and who ruled out charging a president with obstruction in an unsolicited June 2018 memo — also determined that the “evidence developed” during the investigation “is not sufficient to establish that the president committed an obstruction-of-justice offense.”
Instead of ending in drama like Watergate, the Russia scandal is likely to fade away like Iran-contra. There is still a report to read — reportedly more than 300 pages long — but President Trump has already declared victory. He is now a little less damaged ahead of his re-election campaign, a testament to how belligerence, shamelessness and partisanship can undermine any attempt to hold a president or his allies accountable for wrongdoing.
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八十三期马报【什】【么】【酒】【不】【是】【因】【为】【味】【道】【而】【闻】【名】【呢】？【晏】【若】【不】【懂】【他】【的】【心】【思】。 “【说】【来】【奇】【妙】。【这】【杯】【酒】【加】【了】【薄】【荷】【和】【青】【柠】，【刚】【开】【始】【喝】【时】【酸】【甜】【清】【爽】，【但】【等】【你】【越】【喝】【下】【去】【时】……” 【他】【顿】【了】【顿】，【望】【着】【晏】【若】【清】【澈】【如】【水】【的】【眼】【睛】，【继】【续】【说】：“【会】【有】【点】【涩】。【微】【醺】【的】【感】【觉】【会】【慢】【慢】【牵】【动】【你】【的】【神】【经】，【然】【后】……” “【然】【后】【什】【么】？” “【你】【会】【脸】【红】。” 【晏】【若】【的】【脸】【颊】
【然】【而】，【正】【当】【甲】【基】【和】【卡】【黎】【沾】【沾】【自】【喜】【的】【时】【候】，【一】【道】【沧】【桑】【幽】【怨】，【仿】【佛】【来】【自】【荒】【芜】【的】【声】【音】【彻】【响】【天】【地】【之】【间】。 “【我】【在】【杀】【戮】【中】【绽】【放】，【亦】【如】【黎】【明】【中】【的】【花】【朵】。” 【随】【后】【一】【只】【大】【手】【拍】【向】【萨】【菲】【娜】【女】【王】，【萨】【菲】【娜】【女】【王】【表】【情】【可】【爱】【的】【踉】【跄】【一】【步】，【吞】【噬】【的】【感】【觉】【消】【失】【了】。 【甲】【基】【在】【战】【舰】【中】【惊】【慌】【失】【措】【的】【问】【道】，“【你】【是】【谁】？！” “【不】【用】【管】【我】【是】【谁】，【今】【天】
【第】755【章】【神】** 【这】【时】【候】【看】【着】【这】【个】【弟】【弟】，【申】【秋】【知】【道】【了】，【以】【后】【不】【能】【随】【便】【叫】【人】【姐】【姐】【妹】【妹】【的】，【因】【为】【会】【应】【验】【的】！【好】【好】【一】【个】【皇】【家】【弟】【子】【生】【生】【变】【成】【自】【己】【的】【弟】【弟】，【他】【若】【醒】【过】【来】，【也】【有】【了】【前】【世】【的】【记】【忆】【的】【话】，【知】【道】【自】【己】【居】【然】【成】【了】【一】【个】【升】【斗】【小】【民】？【不】【知】【道】【会】【不】【会】【有】【心】【理】【落】【差】，【留】【下】【个】【心】【理】【阴】【霾】【来】，【就】【真】【是】【自】【己】【的】【阴】【功】【了】！ 【也】【怪】【不】【得】【他】【看】【到】
【五】【千】【异】【族】【骑】【兵】【两】【人】【带】【马】，【全】【部】【化】【成】【战】【场】【上】【的】【尸】【体】。 【即】【便】【是】【还】【有】【些】【出】【气】【的】，【也】【被】【守】【在】【营】【寨】【的】【三】【千】【士】【卒】【给】【补】【刀】【了】。 【至】【于】【俘】【虏】 【不】【好】【意】【思】，【要】【收】【的】【俘】【虏】【也】【是】【有】【些】【价】【值】【的】，【这】【些】【人】【的】【唯】【一】【的】【价】【值】，【就】【是】【他】【们】【的】【首】【级】。 【不】【过】【这】【些】【骑】【兵】【不】【是】【个】【人】【独】【杀】【的】【战】【绩】，【因】【此】【不】【能】【作】【为】【个】【人】【的】【战】【绩】。 【但】【这】【对】【众】【人】【来】【说】，
【今】【日】19:30，【湖】【南】【卫】【视】11.11【嗨】【爆】【夜】【将】【开】【启】【直】【播】。【记】【者】【获】【悉】，【明】【星】【阵】【容】【非】【常】【强】【大】，【包】【括】【蔡】【依】【林】、【大】【张】【伟】、【火】【箭】【少】【女】101、【黄】【晓】【明】、【吉】【克】【隽】【逸】、【江】【疏】【影】、【江】【映】【蓉】、【刘】【宪】【华】、【摩】【登】【兄】【弟】【刘】【宇】【宁】、【女】【排】【冠】【军】【队】【员】、【那】【吾】【克】【热】、R1SE、【容】【祖】【儿】、【声】【入】【人】【心】【男】【团】、【沈】【腾】、【尚】【雯】【婕】、【舞】【蹈】【风】【暴】【人】【气】【舞】【者】、【魏】【大】【勋】、【王】【菊】、【吴】【青】【峰】、【汪】【苏】【泷】、【王】【一】【博】、【吴】【亦】【凡】、【许】【魏】【洲】、【肖】【战】、【杨】【洋】、【周】【笔】【畅】、【周】【冬】【雨】、【张】【靓】【颖】、【郑】【爽】、【赵】【薇】【等】【等】。八十三期马报【见】【到】【荒】【剑】【宗】【的】【弟】【子】【走】【上】【前】【来】，【携】【带】【着】【满】【身】【的】【杀】【意】，【徐】【广】【的】【眉】【头】【便】【紧】【皱】【了】【起】【来】。 “【你】【们】【想】【如】【何】？”【徐】【广】【转】【过】【身】，【正】【对】【着】【他】【们】。 “【不】【想】【如】【何】，【这】【苏】【真】【和】【我】【们】【荒】【剑】【宗】【有】【着】【极】【大】【的】【仇】【恨】，【先】【后】【杀】【了】【我】【们】【荒】【剑】【宗】【不】【知】【道】【多】【少】【弟】【子】，【坏】【了】【我】【们】【多】【少】【事】【情】，【这】【个】【仇】，【我】【们】【是】【肯】【定】【要】【报】【的】。”【荒】【剑】【宗】【弟】【子】【笑】【眯】【眯】【的】【说】【道】。 【毕】【竟】
【却】【说】【玄】【奘】【师】【徒】【享】【受】【了】【太】【宗】【皇】【帝】【的】【赐】【宴】，【将】【三】【藏】【经】【书】【交】【付】【雁】【塔】【寺】，【修】【建】【水】【陆】【大】【会】，【看】【诵】【经】【书】【者】，【必】【须】【焚】【香】【沐】【浴】，【斋】【戒】【更】【衣】【方】【可】【开】【卷】。 【玄】【奘】【四】【众】【功】【德】【无】【量】，【太】【宗】【又】【命】【宫】【廷】【画】【匠】【为】【师】【徒】【造】【影】【留】【像】，【永】【传】【后】【世】。 【那】【护】【送】【玄】【奘】【师】【徒】【回】【归】【大】【唐】【的】【护】【法】【金】【刚】，【见】【师】【徒】【四】【人】【交】【割】【已】【毕】，【当】【即】【催】【促】【四】【众】【拜】【别】【太】【宗】，【起】【香】【风】【护】【卫】【四】【圣】【回】
【此】【时】【来】【到】【玛】【利】【亚】【医】【院】【急】【诊】【这】【边】1【号】【手】【术】【室】【的】【正】【是】【接】【到】【医】【院】【报】【警】【电】【话】【赶】【过】【来】【的】【陈】【彪】【周】【星】【星】【和】【吴】【达】【三】【人】。 【医】【院】【里】【接】【到】【中】【枪】【伤】【者】，【在】【不】【确】【定】【对】【方】【是】【否】【警】【务】【人】【员】【的】【情】【况】【下】，【是】【要】【第】【一】【时】【间】【打】【报】【警】【电】【话】【的】。 【经】【纪】【文】【将】【韩】【江】【扔】【在】【湾】【仔】【玛】【利】【亚】【医】【院】，【医】【院】【里】【突】【然】【接】【到】【了】【一】【个】【中】【枪】【伤】【者】，【总】【台】【当】【即】【将】【这】【个】【情】【况】【转】【达】【到】【了】【湾】【仔】【警】【区】，
【傍】【晚】，【白】【玉】【宫】。 【何】【氏】【集】【团】【这】【几】【年】【也】【算】【如】【日】【中】【天】，【何】【西】【洲】【的】【六】【十】【大】【寿】，【申】【城】【各】【界】【名】【流】【名】【士】【来】【了】【个】【半】。 【宁】【归】【晚】【因】【为】【何】【振】【淼】【和】【黎】【漾】【一】【事】，【跟】【何】【家】【说】【得】【上】【有】【过】【节】，【天】【池】【与】【何】【氏】【集】【团】【素】【来】【没】【有】【生】【意】【上】【的】【往】【来】，【并】【没】【收】【到】【何】【家】【的】【邀】【请】【函】。 【但】【是】【邀】【请】【函】【这】【东】【西】，【只】【要】【有】【门】【路】，【弄】【到】【一】【张】【两】【张】【不】【是】【什】【么】【难】【事】。 【宁】【归】【晚】【到】【时】